This allegation is a serious one: that Rachel Reeves has deceived UK citizens, scaring them to accept massive additional taxes which could be used for higher benefits. However hyperbolic, this isn't typical Westminster sparring; on this occasion, the consequences could be damaging. A week ago, detractors of Reeves and Keir Starmer had been calling their budget "a mess". Today, it's denounced as lies, and Kemi Badenoch demanding Reeves to step down.
This serious accusation requires straightforward responses, therefore here is my view. Did the chancellor lied? On current information, no. There were no whoppers. However, despite Starmer's yesterday's remarks, it doesn't follow that there's nothing to see and we should move on. Reeves did misinform the public about the considerations informing her choices. Was this all to funnel cash to "benefits street", as the Tories claim? No, as the numbers demonstrate this.
Reeves has taken a further blow to her reputation, but, should facts continue to matter in politics, Badenoch ought to stand down her attack dogs. Perhaps the resignation yesterday of OBR head, Richard Hughes, due to the leak of its own documents will quench Westminster's thirst for blood.
Yet the true narrative is far stranger compared to the headlines indicate, extending wider and further beyond the political futures of Starmer and his 2024 intake. At its heart, herein lies an account about what degree of influence the public have over the running of the nation. This should concern you.
After the OBR released last Friday a portion of the forecasts it shared with Reeves as she wrote the budget, the surprise was immediate. Not merely has the OBR not acted this way before (an "exceptional move"), its numbers seemingly went against the chancellor's words. Even as rumors from Westminster were about the grim nature of the budget was going to be, the OBR's own predictions were getting better.
Take the Treasury's so-called "unbreakable" rule, that by 2030 day-to-day spending for hospitals, schools, and other services would be wholly paid for by taxes: at the end of October, the watchdog reckoned it would barely be met, albeit only by a minuscule margin.
Several days later, Reeves held a media briefing so extraordinary it forced breakfast TV to interrupt its regular schedule. Several weeks before the real budget, the nation was warned: taxes were going up, with the primary cause cited as gloomy numbers provided by the OBR, in particular its finding that the UK had become less efficient, putting more in but yielding less.
And so! It came to pass. Despite the implications from Telegraph editorials combined with Tory broadcast rounds suggested over the weekend, this is basically what happened during the budget, that proved to be big and painful and bleak.
Where Reeves misled us concerned her justification, because those OBR forecasts didn't compel her actions. She could have made other choices; she might have provided other reasons, even on budget day itself. Before the recent election, Starmer promised precisely this kind of public influence. "The hope of democracy. The strength of the vote. The possibility for national renewal."
A year on, yet it is powerlessness that is evident in Reeves's breakfast speech. Our first Labour chancellor in 15 years casts herself to be an apolitical figure buffeted by factors beyond her control: "In the context of the long-term challenges on our productivity … any finance minister of any political stripe would be standing here today, confronting the decisions that I face."
She certainly make a choice, just not one Labour wishes to broadcast. From April 2029 UK workers as well as businesses are set to be paying an additional £26bn a year in taxes – but the majority of this will not go towards spent on better hospitals, new libraries, nor happier lives. Regardless of what nonsense is spouted by Nigel Farage, Badenoch and their allies, it is not getting splashed on "welfare claimants".
Instead of being spent, more than 50% of the additional revenue will instead provide Reeves a buffer for her own fiscal rules. About 25% is allocated to covering the administration's U-turns. Reviewing the OBR's calculations and being as generous as possible to Reeves, only 17% of the tax take will fund genuinely additional spending, for example scrapping the limit on child benefit. Its abolition "costs" the Treasury a mere £2.5bn, because it was always a bit of theatrical cruelty from George Osborne. A Labour government should have abolished it in its first 100 days.
The Tories, Reform and the entire right-wing media have been railing against the idea that Reeves fits the caricature of left-wing finance ministers, taxing strivers to fund shirkers. Labour backbenchers are applauding her budget as a relief to their social concerns, protecting the most vulnerable. Both sides could be completely mistaken: The Chancellor's budget was primarily targeted towards asset managers, hedge funds and participants within the bond markets.
Downing Street can make a strong case for itself. The margins provided by the OBR were deemed too small to feel secure, especially considering lenders demand from the UK the greatest borrowing cost of all G7 developed nations – exceeding that of France, that recently lost a prime minister, higher than Japan which has far greater debt. Combined with our policies to hold down fuel bills, prescription charges and train fares, Starmer together with Reeves can say their plan enables the central bank to reduce interest rates.
It's understandable why those wearing Labour badges may choose not to frame it this way when they're on #Labourdoorstep. According to one independent adviser to Downing Street puts it, Reeves has effectively "weaponised" financial markets to act as a tool of control against her own party and the voters. This is why Reeves cannot resign, no matter what promises are broken. It's why Labour MPs will have to fall into line and vote to take billions off social security, as Starmer promised recently.
What's missing from this is any sense of strategic governance, of harnessing the Treasury and the central bank to reach a fresh understanding with investors. Missing too is intuitive knowledge of voters,
A seasoned financial analyst and writer passionate about empowering others through clear, actionable advice on money and life.